Sunday, January 12, 2014

Incubation: A Neglected Aspect of the Composing Process?



S. Krashen 
ESL Journal 4(2): 10-11. 2001
Remember when you were staring at the ceiling in elementary school, and the teacher asked you whether the answer was on the ceiling? Maybe it was.
In a discussion of possible therapies to remediate writing apprehension, Daly (1985) includes these suggestions:
"One potentially appropriate therapy for procrastination lies in teaching something akin to time management. The writer learns to go to a specific location each day at a certain time and do nothing but write: No distractions are permitted . . . What may be appropriate for (blocked writers) is ‘forced’ writing, where something must be put down on paper whether it is meaningful or not (e.g. writing whatever comes to mind, free-flowing brainstorming)." (p. 71).
In other words, procrastinators need to have a set time when they do nothing but write, and blocked writers need to do forced writing.
There is a problem with these recommendations. It denies what I think is one of the most important parts of the composing process: incubation, a term introduced by Wallas (1926) for the process by which the mind goes about solving a problem, subconsciously and automatically. Elbow (1972, 1981) refers to incubation as "cooking."
Incubation seems to happen best when we take a break from creative work. During this time, we need to do something completely different, something that does not involve conscious and deliberate problem- solving. Wallas suggests that "in the case of the more difficult forms of creative thought ... it is desirable that not only that there should be an interval free from conscious thought on the particular problem concerned, but also that that interval should be so spent that nothing should interfere with the free working of the unconscious or partially unconscious processes of the mind. In those cases, the stage of incubation should include a large amount of actual mental relaxation" (p. 95).
Examples of incubation
Wallas (1926) reports that he first heard of the idea of incubation from the physicist Helmholz. In a speech delivered in 1891, Helmholz described how new thoughts came to him: After previous investigation, "in all directions," .. " happy ideas come unexpectedly without effort, like an inspiration ... they have never come to me when my mind was fatigued, or when I was at my working table ... They came particularly readily during the slow ascent of wooded hills on a sunny day" (p. 91).
Einstein clearly knew about incubation: According to Clark (1971), Einstein would "allow the subconscious to solve particularly tricky problems. 'Whenever he felt that he had come to the end of the road or into a difficult situation in his work,' his eldest son said, 'he would take refuge in music, and that would resolve all his difficulties.'" (p. 106). Clark notes that for Einstein, "with relaxation, there would often come the solution" (p. 106).
Csikszentmihalyi and Sawyer (1995) interviewed nine "creative" individuals, all of whom had made creative contributions in their field, were 60 or older, and were still actively involved in creative work. All mentioned that insights occurred during idle time, and several mentioned that they occurred while they were doing something else, during a "repetitive, physical activity" such as gardening, shaving, taking a walk, or taking a bath (p. 348).
Mind on, mind off
This is not to say, of course, that hard work is unnecessary. Quite the opposite is true. Many studies confirm that high achievers put in a tremendous amount of work, far more than less accomplished colleagues. They engage in the "preliminary period of conscious work which also precedes all fruitful unconscious labor" (Poincare, 1924). This preliminary work is labeled "preparation" by Wallas, and as "wrestling with ideas" by Elbow (1972, p. 129). Wallas notes that the educated person "can 'put his mind on' to a chosen subjects, and 'turn his mind off' ...." (p. 92). The educated person knows how, in other words, to prepare and then incubate.
Of course, the "illumination" that is the result of incubation needs to be followed by more conscious work. Ideas that arise as a result of incubation need to be evaluated (Smith, 1994); our new insight may not be right.
Long and short incubation periods
Incubation sometimes requires a very long break: Feynman noted that "You have to do six months of very hard work first and get all the components bumping around in your head, and then you have to be idle for a couple of weeks, and then - ping - it suddenly falls into place ..." (Csikszentmihalyi and Sawyer, 1995, p. 350). Incubation can also occur with breaks of shorter duration. Piaget told Gruber (1995) that after he worked for a few hours, "he would go for a walk, not think about very much, and when he went back to his desk his ideas would be clearer ..." (p. 526). And it can also happen in very short breaks, a few minutes or even moments. In my experience, extremely short breaks are all that is necessary to solve many problems and loosen many blocks. In agreement with Wallas, I have found that these breaks work best when they are devoted to something fairly mindless: washing just a few dishes, filing just a few papers, or doing some light exercise.
The incubation phenomenon helps to explain why accomplished people need to put in so much time; it may be that not all of the time is "industrious." In fact, high achievers may actually take more time. C.P. Snow, cited in Clark (1971), noted that Churchill "was not a fast worker ... but he was essentially a non- stop worker" (p. 106); perhaps some of the "non-stop" working was staring at the ceiling. If high achievers appear to accomplish tasks more quickly than others, I suspect it is only because they put in so much more time.1
Scheduling incubation time and not being ashamed of it
Some of Csikszentmihalyi and Sawyer's subjects actually scheduled "a period of solitary idle time that follows a period of hard work ... many of them told us that without this solitary, quiet time, they would never have their most important ideas" (p. 347). One respondent actually began his interview with this statement: "I'm fooling around not doing anything, which probably means this is a creative period ... I think that people who keep themselves busy all the time are generally not creative, so I'm not ashamed of being idle" (p. 352).
Incubation and the composing process
The core of the composing process is using writing to come up with new ideas: As Elbow (1972) has stated it, in writing, meaning is not what you start out with but what you end up with. Incubation is thus an important part of the composing process and might be an essential component of revision; at least some writers need to take breaks, breaks ranging from a few moments to several weeks or months.2 I suspect, in fact, that one secret to coming up with good ideas through writing is understanding the importance of incubation, and realizing that the process entails patient revision, takes time, and often requires some time off-task.
For many writers, good writing can't be rushed. Forcing writers to sit without a break and write nonstop denies the possibility of incubation: As Smith (1994) notes, "composition is not enhanced by grim determination" (p. 131). In fact, in-class writing assignments and sit-down written tests actually teach students that incubation is not part of the composing process.
I suspect that this false belief is one of the causes of writing apprehension and writer's blocks. Blocked and fearful writers may be under the false impression that writing should always flow, and that hesitations are a sign of incompetence. Writer's blocks, however, may simply be signs that a problem has come up, and taking a break may help the subconscious solve the problem. This happens to me probably a hundred times a day: a problem with word choice, a discovery that I have contradicted myself, a vague malaise that the arguments are not in the right order, etc.. At least half the time, a very short break, even two minutes or less, is enough to solve the problem. And a solved problem often means new learning, a deeper understanding. In this sense, some "blocks" are good. (Note: I took five breaks in writing this paragraph, during which time I filed some papers, took some vitamins, and checked e mail.)
NOTE
1.     Thus, a high achiever may finish a task in one year, while an average achiever might take two years. But the high achiever might have put in more than twice the amount of time, working two and a half hours a day, compared to the moderate achiever's one hour a day. Sloboda (1996) calculated the amount of practice time music students in the UK devoted in order to reach certain levels of performance, as measured by the national system of music examinations. Those who became high achievers put in much more time practicing, but there was no evidence for a "fast track" for high achievers. All groups took about the same amount of practice time to reach a given level. High achievers reached the levels at younger ages but they practiced a lot more. In fact, "there is a nonsignificant trend for high achievers to practice more than low achievers to reach a particular grade" (p. 112).
2.     Smith (1994) points out that the kind of incubation discussed here may not be universal: "I cannot argue that the fallow period is essential, because a few writers seems capable of doing without it. They can write - at least by their own report - a certain number of words in a certain period of every day, and forget about writing the rest of the time ... But many other writers have written graphically about their need for silent periods" (p. 126).

References
Clark, R. 1971. Einstein: The Life and Times. New York: The World Publishing Company.
Csikszentmihalyi, M and Sawyer, K.1995. Creative insight: The social dimension of a solitary moment. In R. Steinberg and J. Davidson (Eds.) The Nature of Insight. Cambridge: MIT Press. pp. 329-361.
Daly, J. 1985. Writing apprehension. In M. Rose (Ed.) When a Writer Can't Write. New York: The Guilford Press. pp. 43-82.
Elbow, P. 1972. Writing without Teachers. New York: Oxford University Press. Elbow, P. 1981. Writing with Power. New York: Oxford University Press.
Gruber, H. 1995. Insight and affect in the history of science. In R. Steinberg and J. Davidson (Eds.) The Nature of Insight. Cambridge: MIT Press. pp. 397-431.
Poincare, H. 1924. Mathematical creation. Excerpts reprinted in Creativity, P.E. Vernon(Ed.). Middlesex, England: Penguin. pp. 77-88, 1970.
Sloboda, J. 1996. The acquisition of musical performance expertise: Deconstructing the "talent" account of individual differences in musical expressivity. In K. Ericsson (Ed.) The Road to Excellence: The Acquisition of Expert Performance in the Arts and Sciences, Sports and Games. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. pp. 107-126.
Smith, F. 1994. Writing and the Writer. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Second edition.
Wallas, G. 1926. The Art of Thought. Excerpts reprinted in Creativity, P.E. Vernon(Ed.). Middlesex, England: Penguin. pp. 91-97, 1970.

Tuesday, January 7, 2014

Heritage Language Development: Exhortation or Good Stories?


 Lao, C. and Krashen, S. 2008. Heritage language development: Exhortation or good stories? International Journal of Foreign Language Teaching 4 (2): 17-18.

Despite the well-researched advantages, not all young people are interested in continuing to develop their heritage language. Their apathy may be due to "ethnic avoidence," a preference for the new culture over the old (Tse, 1988), and/or it may be due to teasing by more advanced speakers in reaction to the young person's imperfect attempts to speak the language (Krashen, 1998). These barriers, plus a lack of input, have been hypothesized to be the cause of low heritage language proficiency.

We present here a case in which interest in the heritage language was stimulated in a 12-year-old boy, Daniel, who came to the United States at age eight from China. Daniel's Mandarin proficiency was clearly declining, despite his parents' efforts: They sent Daniel to a Chinese heritage language school for three hours each Saturday. Moreover, it was clear that Daniel was not interested in Mandarin.

Daniel was recently enrolled in a 4-week summer Mandarin program in San Francisco aimed at foreign language students of Mandarin who had had several years of Mandarin instruction in school and heritage language speakers such as Daniel. Daniel was among those with the highest proficiency in Mandarin in the class, having completed the fourth grade in China.

Daniel was clearly not enthusiastic about the summer program, and did not participate in class discussion and other activities. He told his teacher that he found the entire program boring, far below his level, and that he couldn't learn anything new.  The summer program included a great deal of free reading time, and the classroom had a book collection, but Daniel did not find any of the selections of great interest, with the exception of Old Master Q, a series with about 150 titles that are simple and easy to read, with many wordless volumes.

Daniel's teacher was very frustrated with him and asked him to consider leaving the program, and Daniel, in fact, was eager to do so.

When program administrators learned about this, they asked Daniel to come to the Program office. Instead of lecturing Daniel and urging him to stay, the program director gave him a few books to take home from the collection in her office.

Among the books Daniel took was an illustrated chapter book titled "The Stories of A Fan Ti" (this is the English translation). The next day, Daniel’s mother told the program director that Daniel loved the book. The book was a bit beyond his level, but thanks to the illustrations and his ability to understand some of the text, Daniel was very interested in the story, and begged his mother to read it to him.

The program director then loaned Daniel more books from the "A Fan Ti" series, in comic book format. Daniel found the stories tremendously entertaining and begged his mother to read more, from two books to five stories everyday.

Daniel’s mother found that it took her a lot of time to read the stories so she asked Daniel to help with chores while she read to him. This is a reversal of the usual practice of rewarding children to read; in this case, the reward for doing chores is being read to. Both Daniel and his mother were quite happy with this arrangement.

Daniel was not aware that his Mandarin was improving again. He was, of course, only interested in the stories. 

"A Fan Ti" was Daniel's "home run book" (Trelease, 2006), a reading experience that re-stimulated his interest in reading in Mandarin in general.  This case suggests that the answer to encouraging heritage language development is not to exhort children to study the language, not to send them to dull classes, but simply to find some interesting stories. Their focus will be on the stories and heritage language development will be the incidental result.


Post-script: One month later.

According to Daniel's mother, he is now reading less in Chinese. Daniel has now heard and read nearly all of the A Fan Ti stories available, and has no easy access to the Old Master Q series. Although he is a comic book reader in English, he has not found any Chinese comic series he is interested in. Clearly, one home run book is not enough.  It needs to be followed with a steady and easy supply of compelling and comprehensible reading material. We know of no heritage language program that is taking this requirement seriously.


References

Krashen, S. 1998. Language shyness and heritage language development. In S. Krashen, L. Tse, & J. McQuillan (Eds.) Heritage Language Development. Culver City: Language Education Associates. pp. 15-29..
Trelease, J. 2006. The Read-Aloud handbook. New York: Penguin. Sixth Edition.
Tse, L. 1998. Ethnic identity formation and Its Implications for Heritage Language Development. In S. Krashen, L. Tse, & J. McQuillan (Eds.) Heritage Language Development. Culver City: Language
Education Associates. pp. 41-49.













A longer (21-hour) school day


Sent to the Telegraph (UK), Jan. 7

It is inspiring to read about Education Minister Truss' desire to lengthen the school day ("Schools should adopt Chinese-style lessons, says minister," Jan. 3). Her proposal to add an extra 30 minutes for "enrichment" and an extra hour for homework, however, fall far short of what is needed.
Let's push ahead and consider an even longer day.
A study published in the Journal of Irreproducible Results in 1991 concluded that a 21-hour school day is optimal, with continuous classes and no breaks, except for two breaks for meals and one lavatory visit.
Among the many advantages would be fewer discipline problems and quieter classrooms because of sleep deprivation, which "lessened the students' rebellious impulses."
The researchers also intend to do studies to determine whether food is really necessary for school children.

Stephen Krashen

original article: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/educationnews/10549462/Schools-should-adopt-Chinese-style-lessons-says-minister.html

Source: THE 21-HOUR SCHOOL DAY
Robert O. Neal, Ed.D. and Louis deJour Hicks, Ed.D.
The Magnun University Graduate School of Education
Magnun, Tennessee
Published in The Journal of Irreproducible Results, 36 (6): 17 (1991)
available at:
http://susanohanian.org/show_nclb_news.php?id=781

Saturday, January 4, 2014

The Spectacular Role of Libraries in Protecting Students from the Effects of Poverty



Stephen Krashen
Published in: iLeader: Journal of School Library Association of New South Wales 1(4): 3-6 (2012)

Poverty is by far the most powerful predictor we have of school performance. This has been established in study after study over several decades.  One of the best studies showing the impact of poverty comes from Australia: Perry and McConnery (2010) reported that both individual levels of poverty (socio-economic status, or SES) and the poverty level of the school have strong effects on performance, and the combination of the two is overwhelming.  Table one presents the impact of both of these factors on performance on the PISA 2003 test of reading comprehension given to 15 year olds (math and science tests show a similar pattern).  Note that students living in the worst poverty score 70 to 90 points lower than the most privileged students, and students attending low SES schools score about 50 to 60 points lower than those in wealthier schools.  But low SES students in low SES schools score nearly 150 points lower than high SES students in high SES schools.

Table One: Influence of individual levels of socio-economic status and the socio-economic status of the school

SCHOOL SES




INDIVIDUAL SES
1st (lowest)
2nd
3rd
4th
5th
1st (lowest)
459 (n=984)
466 (n=690)
472 (n=490)
503 (n=231)
516 (n=88)
2nd
486 (n=591)
496 (n=681)
503 (n=596)
531 (n=425)
544 (n=195)
3rd
498 (n=416)
504 (n=492)
515 (n=639)
542 (n=568)
561(n=348)
4th
520 (n=213)
525(n=377)
530 (n=516)
557 (n=682)
577 (n=693)
5th
548 (n=99)
543 (n=199)
549 (n=362)
576 (n=602) 
602 (n=1212)
SES = social economic status, based on parental occupational status, parental education, economic and cultural resources in the home.
The average PISA score is 500, standard deviation = 100.
From: Perry and McConnery (2010)

SES includes a number of factors that influence school performance. On the individual level, students living in poverty have inferior diets and health care (Coles, 2008/2009; Berliner, 2009; Rothstein, 2010) and low SES schools lack the facilities high SES schools do, and tend to have fewer qualified teachers.  Both individual students and schools from low SES backgrounds, however, suffer from a lack of access to books.  Students from low SES families have fewer books in the home and live in neighborhoods with inferior public libraries and fewer bookstores, and SES schools have inferior classroom and school libraries (Krashen, 2004).
The one source of books that can be easily improved is the school library. In recent years two studies have confirmed that investing in the school library can not only make a difference, it can actually offset the impact of poverty on reading achievement.

The California Study
Achterman’s analysis (Achterman 2008) is based on scores on the California Standards Tests given in 2006-2007 provided by the State of California, the California Department of Education Library Survey, and other data provided by California schools.  Achterman used three predictors of academic achievement: (1) “library quality,” a combination of hours the school library is open, collection size, budget, total staff hours, total services, and total technology, (2) a “community factor,” a combination of parent education, the percentage of students eligible free and reduced lunch, student ethnicity, and the percentage of English learners, and (3) a “school factor,” the average teacher salary, which correlated with the percentage of teachers who hold teaching credentials.
Table two presents the results of a multiple regression analysis, a very useful statistical procedure that allows researchers to examine the impact of individual predictors holding other predictors constant. For example, it is likely that community factors and library factors are related: Schools in wealthier communities might spend more on libraries, especially in the US where local taxes are used to pay for schools. Multiple regression allows us to pretend that this isn’t so, that each factor is independent of the others.  
The numbers in table two are “betas.” A larger beta means a greater impact, and betas from different predictors can be compared with each other.  Table two tells us that for high school students in California, the impact of “community” was strong on tests of both language arts and history (beta = -.51 for language arts), consistent with the results of studies that show the impact of poverty on school achievement. The impact of school was positive but weak. Of great interest to us is the finding that the effect of school library quality was strong on both tests and nearly as strong as the effect of community, or poverty. This suggests that a strong school library can make up for the effect of poverty in several aspects of school achievement.

Table 2: Multiple regression analysis: Impact of community, school, and library quality on achievement, grade 11

Language Arts
US History
Community
-0.51
-0.47
School
0.14
0.16
Library
0.46
0.48
r2 = .57 (Language Arts), r2 = .58 (US History)
From: Achterman (2008)

Table two indicates that r2 = .57 for Language Arts and .46 for History. This means that if we know the poverty level of a school (the community factor), the quality of the teaching staff (as reflected by salaries or credentialing), and the quality of the school library, we have 57% of the information we need to predict Language Arts test scores for 11th graders at that school.
Confirming the effect of the library, Achterman reported clearly positive correlations between the size of the collection and test scores (for English language arts, r = .44) and between the number of hours the library was open and test scores (for English language arts, r = .52).
It must be noted that Achterman did not find similar results for grades 4 and 8: The effect of the library was much weaker than in grade 11. The weaker correlations found for younger students could be due to the lack of library services in lower grades in California, which results is limited variability and therefore lower correlations. Achterman noted that only 1.2% of California elementary schools have a full-time clerk and full-time librarian. This improves to 8.5% at the middle school and 30.3% at the high school level.

The PIRLS Study


The PIRLS organization (Progress in International Reading Literacy Study) administers a reading test to fourth graders in many countries every few years. Students are tested in the language of the country, and all tests are of equal difficulty. We (Krashen, Lee and McQuillan, 2012) analyzed the 2006 PIRLS results for 40 countries.
Our analysis included countries for which complete data was available for all factors. Most countries tested about 4000 students from about 150 schools.
Table 3 presents one of our analyses, which examined the impact of factors considered to be related to reading achievement. As in Achterman’s study, we used multiple regression, which allowed us to determine the impact of each predictor uninfluenced by the other predictors.

Table 3: Multiple Regression Analysis: predictors of achievement on the PIRLS reading test

Reading
SES
-.42
Independent Reading
.19
Library
.34
Instruction
-.19

r2 = .63
From: Krashen, Lee and McQuillan, 2012

According to table 3, the strongest predictor of reading achievement among ten-year olds is SES, socio-economic class, defined here as a combination of education, life expectancy and wealth in each country. In agreement with many other studies, we found that lower SES meant lower performance.
“Independent reading” in table 3 stands for the percentage of students in each country who participated in independent reading programs in school: Students in countries that provided time for independent reading in school every day or almost every day tended to do better in reading (beta = .19). This result fell just short of the usual standard for statistical significance, but the positive relationship between independent reading and reading proficiency is consistent with the results of in-school self- selected reading programs (Krashen, 2004).
“Library,” in table 3, means the percentage of school libraries in each country with over 500 books. This was a strong predictor of reading achievement. As was the case in Achterman’s study, the library predictor was nearly as strong as social class (similar to Achterman’s community factor).
The final predictor in table 5, instruction, means the average hours per week devoted to reading instruction in each country. According to our analysis, the effect of instruction was modest and negative, that is, more instruction tended to be related to lower performance on the reading test (beta = -.19). This predictor fell just short of statistical significance. It may be the case that a little reading instruction is beneficial, but after a point it is ineffective and counterproductive.
Table 5 indicates that r2 = .63: The four variables considered here account for 63% of the variability in reading test scores. In other words, if we know the SES level of a country, the percentage of children who do independent reading in school, the percentage of children who have access to a library of 500 books or more, and the amount of instruction, this is 63% of the information we need to predict their reading score. This r2 is quite high, and is similar to the r2 reported by Achterman.
Both Achterman’s and our results are consistent with the results of other studies showing that access to books from other sources can make up for the effect of poverty (Evans, Kelley, Sikora, and Treiman, 2010; Schubert and Becker, 2010).

Conclusion

A plausible explanation for the results of these studies and others is:

Access > FVR  > Literacy

There is very strong evidence supporting this formula: More access to books has been shown to lead to more self-selected reading and more self-selected reading leads to higher levels of literacy (Krashen, 2004). There is also substantial research connecting the ends of the formula: Better libraries are related to higher levels of literacy (Krashen, 2004; see especially studies by Keith Curry Lance and others at http://www.lrs.org/impact.php).

Those living in poverty have little access to books, which explains their low levels of literacy development. I suspect that this relationship will continue until ereaders and ebooks are far less expensive and far more available than they are now.  The library can supply this access immediately.

References

Achterman, D. 2008. Haves, Halves, and Have-Nots: School Libraries and Student Achievement in California. PhD dissertation, University of North Texas. http:// digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9800:1

Berliner, D. 2009. Poverty and Potential:  Out-of-School Factors and School Success.  Boulder and Tempe: Education and the Public Interest Center & Education Policy Research Unit. http://epicpolicy.org/publication/poverty-and-potential

Coles, G. 2008/2009. Hunger, academic success, and the hard bigotry of indifference. Rethinking Schools 23 (2). http://www.rethinkingschools.org/archive/23_02/hung232.shtml;

Evans, M, Kelley, J. Sikora, J. and Treiman, D. (2010). Family scholarly culture and educational success: Books and schooling in 27 nations. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility, 28 (2): 171-197.
Krashen, S., Lee, SY., and McQuillan, J. 2012. Is the library important? Multivariate studies at the national and international level. Journal of Language and Literacy Education, 8(1)? 26-36.

Perry, L. B. & McConney, A. (2010). Does the SES of the school matter? An examination of socioeconomic status and student achievement using PISA 2003. Teachers College Record, 112 (4).1137-1162.

Rothstein, R. (2010). How to fix our schools. Economic Policy Institute, Issue Brief #286. http://www.epi.org/publications/entry/ib286.

Schubert, F. and Becker, R. (2010). Social inequality of reading literacy: A longitudinal analysis with cross-sectional data of PIRLS 2001and PISA 2000 utilizing the pair wise matching procedure. Research in Social Stratification and Mobility 29, 109-133.

Academic Jibberish




Stephen Krashen, RELC Journal. 43 (2): 283-285, 2012.
“Some scholars have slipped so far into the stylized talk – excuse me, discourse – of academia that important ideas are rendered virtually incomprehensible to most people. Because it sometimes seems that scholarship is valued by other academics in direct proportion to its inaccessibility, some individuals may have an instinctive aversion to writing in simple sentences even if they could remember how to do so.”(Aflie Kohn, 2003; Professors who profess. http://www.alfiekohn.org/teaching/professing.htm)

"It is better for one’s (academic) career to stay away from politics and wallow in the arcane world of departmental intrigue and academic jibberish." (Chris Hedges, The Death of the Liberal Class, p.126).
I think the situation is worse than what Alfie Kohn describes: A great deal of academic writing is incomprehensible even to others in the same area of scholarship. Academic Jibberish may score points for the writer but does not help research or practice. (I focus here on prose jibberish, but it occurs in statistical analyses as well, the use of statistical tests that go far beyond what is necessary and that often neglect what is necessary, e.g. means and standard deviations.)
Jibberish as a career strategy: it impresses those with little self-confidence
Some people think that if they don’t understand a lecture or text, it must be very profound, trusting the appearance rather than their own reaction.
A famous demonstration of this is the “Dr. Fox” study. Ware, Naftulin and Donnelly (1973) hypothesized that “given a sufficiently impressive lecture paradigm, even experienced educators participating in a new learning experience can be seduced into feeling satisfied that they have learned despite irrelevant, conflicting, and meaningless content conveyed by the lecturer.”
They hired a professional actor (“Dr. Myron Fox”), “who looked distinguished and sounded authoritative ... to teach charismatically and non-substantively on a topic about which he knew nothing” (Mathematical Game Theory as Applied to Physician Education). His lecture contained “an excessive use of double talk, neologisms, non-sequiturs, and contradictory statements.”
In other words, he was trained to give a bogus lecture.
Three groups of health professionals involved in education heard the lecture, either live or on video-tape. The bogus lecture was very well-received: Questionnaires revealed that for all groups, there were significantly more favorable than unfavorable reactions. Subjective responses included: Excellent presentation. Enjoyed listening. Lively examples. His relaxed manner of presentation was a large factor in holding my interest. Extremely articulate.
The authors concluded that satisfaction with a lecturer does not necessarily reflect learning. My conjecture is that the audiences were not only impressed with the actor’s style, but also felt that he must be good because they didn’t understand what he was talking about.
Evidence supporting my interpretation comes from Nell (1988). Nell asked undergraduates, librarians and university lecturers in English literature to rate passages for their literary merit (e.g. from “trashiest trash” to “highest merit”) and reported positive correlations between merit ratings and readability (measured by the “Fog Index,” based on word and sentence length) for all groups. In other words, harder was associated with better.
Jibberish as a career strategy: It deflects criticism
My first inkling of the power of jibberish to deflect criticism occurred when I was a graduate student in 1971. At a meeting of the Acoustical Society of America, one of my professors, Peter Ladefoged, was scheduled to give a 12-minute paper on an issue in phonetics. Before giving his presentation, Prof. Ladefoged announced that he would not take the full 12 minutes, but would instead summarize his points in seven minutes, in agreement with a resolution that had been passed by the society the day before. To do this, he said, he would not be able read his paper (this was the usual style of presentation) but would simply present his findings in ordinary talk.
Even though I was not a specialist in the area, Ladefoged’s talk was very clear; it was jibberish-free. He simply told us what he had done, illustrated his findings with slides, and discussed what the results meant for several important hypotheses. Ladefoged’s presentation was followed by far more discussion and more criticism (!!!) than any of the many talks I heard. His presentation was one of the few that his colleagues understood. I realized then that scholars take a big risk in making clear and comprehensible presentations (and in writing clearly).
Hedges (2010) accuses academics engaged in “radical analysis” of deliberately writing dense, long papers and publishing them in obscure journals and books, with “no attempt to to reach wider audience or enrich public life” (p. 125) in order to gain academic prestige and avoid risk: “As long as academics write in the tortured vocabulary of specialization for seminars and conferences, where they are unable to influence public debate, they are free to espouse any bizarre or ‘radical’ theory” (p.125).
The negative consequences of jibberish
An obvious negative consequence of papers filled with unnecessary prose and analyses is that they are a huge waste of time. But there are less obvious dangers.
There is the danger that readers will simply skip most of the dense prose and unnecessary statistical analyses and simply accept the conclusions, assuming that the conclusions must be right because the intimidating presentation. Thus, bad ideas have a better chance of surviving when protected by a mass of jibberish.
There is also the danger, as Alfie Kohn noted (see above), that some good ideas and important results will be lost when expressed as or buried in jibberish.
An observation
I close with this observation. Occasionally, a colleague will tell me that a presentation was brilliant and the speaker exceptional, when in the past, I have found the speaker to be nearly completely incomprehensible. When this happens, I ask my colleague to tell me what the speaker said. Invariably, my colleague can’t.
REFERENCES 
Hedges, C.
2010. Death of the Liberal Class.(New York: Nation Books).
Naftulin, D. H., Ware, J. E., & Donnelly, F. A.
1973. ‘The Doctor Fox Lecture: a paradigm of educational seduction’, Journal of Medical Education 48(7): 630-635.
http://www.er.uqam.ca/nobel/r30034/PSY4180/Pages/Naftulin.html
Nell, V.
1988 The psychology of reading for pleasure: Needs and gratifications’. Reading Research Quarterly 33 (1): 6-50.





A Short Paper Proposing That We Need to Write Shorter Papers


Stephen Krashen, Language and Language Teaching 1,2: 38-39. 2012

When we ask the time, we don't want to know how watches are constructed.   Georg Christoph Lichtenberg  (1742-1799)

Our current journals in language education are full of long papers.  A typical journal might have, at most, five major papers. Sometimes we have to write long papers, but much of the time, it's unnecessary: the papers often contain long introductions more suitable for doctoral dissertations or review ("state of the art") papers, apparently designed to provide evidence that the author is well-read, and long conclusions, with a repetition of the findings and the author's detailed and lengthy speculations about what the results might mean for theory and application.

Readers of professional journals don’t need this. Introductions should only give enough to alert the reader to what the article is above, and provide a few citations in case the reader needs more information. If the articles cited in the introduction are readily available, readers are free to consult them, and a brief indication of implications is generally more than enough for experienced readers.  Also, if the results section is clear, no repetition of the findings is necessary in the conclusion.

Watson and Crick's Nobel Prize winning paper on the double helix was only one page. Their conclusion: "It has not escaped our notice that the specific pairing we have postulated immediately suggests a possible copying mechanism for the genetic material" (p. 737).

Long papers drain intellectual energy from both readers and writers and waste their time.

They take longer to write, and much of the energy in writing them is dedicated to sections that don't engage the writer: Writing is a powerful tool to solve problems, and can result in substantial cognitive development (it can make you smarter), but to do this, the writing must be directed at a difficult problem (Langer and Applebee, 1987).  

Long papers take longer to read.  Even readers who try to skim long papers have to devote time and energy to find the essential parts, and run the danger of missing the details.

A Disservice to the Profession and to the Scholar

Too-long papers hurt the spread of knowledge in two ways: They waste our time in both reading and writing, and they promote sloppy reading.  Many readers are content just to read the abstract and perhaps the summary of technical papers, with a glance at a table. This means, of course, that significant details on methodology and the analysis, buried in the paper, are missed, and crucial points and often errors are perpetuated.

Too-long papers also take up space. A journal with five too-long papers could easily include 20 short papers. This space limitation hurts the dissemination of knowledge, because less genuine information is available, and makes it much harder for junior scholars to publish and to get tenure and promotion, especially when universities require publication in certain journals. This problem will be alleviated as more journals are done on the internet, of course.

Conclusion

Again, sometimes papers have to be long. But often they don't, and the problem is usually long introductions and conclusions that go far beyond the needs of the paper. 

Language education has clearly taken its tradition from the humanities, which favors dissertation-style prose, rather than the sciences, where papers are usually much shorter.

It is probably no coincidence that citation rates in the sciences are much higher: Hamilton (1991) reported that about 91% of papers published in atomic, molecular and chemical physics, and 86% in virology had been cited at least once. In language and linguistics, only 20% had been cited and in American literature, less than 1%.

References

Watson, J. and Crick, F. 1953. A Structure for Deoxyribose Nucleic Acid, Nature 171, 737-738.
Hamilton, D. 1991. Research papers: Who's united now? Science 251: 25.
Langer, J. and Applebee, A. 1987. How Writing Shapes Thinking. Urbana, IL: National Council of Teachers of English.